Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 824 - 87, Division

Even Adonis was powerless when faced with an emperor who valued his integrity so highly. If no arrests were permitted, how could the investigation continue?

Anyone who plotted an assassination would first make sure to distance themselves from the act. If they were exposed, there would be no place for them in the entire world where they could hide.

Not to mention, not a single Jew was among the assassins, which to Adonis, was the biggest red flag.

Logically, as victims, the Jews should have been the most eager to target Napoleon IV; the emergence of a Dragon Slayer would have been a completely normal occurrence.

Unfortunately, without organized plotting, an assassination attempt wouldn’t even come close to reaching Napoleon IV before the police caught them—and the Ministry of Police was not utterly useless.

As Adonis knew, since the anti-Semitic movement began, the police had continuously arrested over a thousand Jewish assassins and suspected assassins.

Without a doubt, most of these individuals were wrongly accused. Having a motive might be true, but the true heroes daring to kill the emperor were extremely few.

Looking at the disappointed Minister of Police, Napoleon IV himself also felt a headache. It wasn’t that he wanted to keep his word to the Jews; he was simply cornered and without options.

Raising the executioner’s sword was easy, but what if it couldn’t kill? What then?

Jewish capital had infiltrated the French government far more deeply than it had the Austrian. No sooner had the Paris Government felt like turning the tables than leaks emerged.

Before the government could even issue arrests, those cunning financiers had mostly scattered to the winds.

With the big fish having escaped, the remaining small fries captured could not be squeezed for much value.

For the sake of the Franc, Napoleon IV had no choice but to compromise. Otherwise, it would be a case of both sides losing everything; the Jewish Group might be finished, but France would also suffer severe losses.

These matters, Napoleon IV could only keep to himself. If word got out, it would surely create an uproar.

A national government actually compromising with Jewish capital—if such an appalling piece of news were heard, France’s proud citizens would probably revolt again.

Just because an outburst hadn’t occurred now didn’t mean it never would. The several assassination attempts had already pushed Napoleon IV to his limits.

One can imagine that in the years to come, Jewish financiers might face a harsh existence in France.

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Bukovina, lying on the Russian-Austrian border, had become the largest Jewish settlement area in Austria since the outbreak of the European anti-Semitic movement.

This was the valuable experience accumulated by the Jews after a millennium of wandering Europe: staying near the border when the situation was unclear provided the best chance for escape.

In this matter, the Jews trusted no one. Here, even the Habsburg dynasty’s banner carried little weight, because Austria too had a long-standing tradition of anti-Semitism.

The recorded anti-Semitic movement dates back to the 13th century, around the time when the Habsburg dynasty was just rising to prominence.

Orders for the expulsion of Jews in Austria continued until 1848, and were officially abolished only after Franz ascended to the throne and fully implemented policies of ethnic integration.

Without doubt, this expulsion decree was never seriously enforced; otherwise, the Jewish population in Austria would have been long gone.

On the contrary, the integration decrees of 1820 were enacted: they mandated that all Jewish rabbis study philosophy and use only German during public prayers. Jewish children had to attend Christian schools.

In fact, Franz’s policy of ethnic integration was an expansion of this decree, with a stronger push for the spread of language and culture.

This policy worked quite well among the numerous ethnic groups in Austria, with the notable exception of the Jews, where it encountered difficulties. Continue your saga on empire

It’s not that it was without effect; at least the Jewish orphans raised in welfare institutions assimilated very successfully, as did the next generation of children from busier parents.

Of course, not being fully assimilated didn’t mean there was no influence.

Particularly for those born after 1845, everyone grew up writing in Austrian, speaking Austrian, and learning Austrian history and culture—it was impossible not to be influenced.

After all, the boarding system in Austria’s compulsory education was too intense. With only a few holidays a year, students spent less than a month with their parents, with most of their time at school.

Under this policy, Austria’s policy of ethnic assimilation can be said to have proceeded very smoothly, with the many minority ethnic groups in the country converging into a single stream.

Because of economic reasons, most people entered the workforce right after completing compulsory education, leaving no time to inherit their own ethnic history and culture.

Jews were an exception; their business acumen shone brighter, and they were somewhat wealthier than others.

After completing compulsory education, many parents took their children back for home education, to continue their own ethnic culture.

There were even hidden Jewish schools that operated under the radar of government authorities, lurking and operating clandestinely within Jewish communities.

It’s no wonder that just as they were being assimilated, they were pulled back into old ways and ended up on the Vienna Government’s blacklist.

Among the arrested Jewish capitalists, many carried the charge of "profiting from illegal education," referring to the funding of underground schools.

Without a doubt, such regressive actions were deemed heinous in Austria, and the government cracked down severely on them.

In a small manor in the suburbs, Jewish representatives from Russia and Austria gathered, their faces flushed and the atmosphere incredibly tense.

Seeing the situation spiraling out of control, the esteemed Jewish leader Feilude Levi stamped his cane and reprimanded, "Silence! Do not forget the times we are living in. While you quarrel here, we must unite or face annihilation."

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A middle-aged man expressed his dissatisfaction, "Mr. Feilude, it’s not that we want to argue, but we really have no other choice.

Currently, the situation in Europe is highly unfavorable for us, and most importantly, several of our Jewish leaders are now imprisoned by the Austrians.

We must find a way to rescue them and take control of the situation."

The middle-aged man’s dissatisfaction had its reasons. Although the Jewish people are united as one, internally they are divided into various groups of different sizes.

Affected by the butterfly effect, by the 19th century, the majority of the Jewish population was distributed within the borders of England, France, Austria, and Russia.

Originally, the Jews in England and France had the most substantial capital and the strongest influence on their governments, leading relatively comfortable lives.

As the economy developed and hitched a ride on the fast train of Austrian economic growth, Jewish capital in Austria rapidly rose, even showing signs of overtaking the others.

In contrast, the most numerous Russian Jews suffered greatly. Not only was the Russian economy struggling, but the Tsarist Government was infamously unreasonable.

After the economic integration of Russia and Austria, Jewish capitalists from both countries also came together out of mutual interests, with Austrian Jewish capital generally holding the advantage.

However, "flowers do not bloom for a hundred days, nor can a person be good for a thousand days." As the anti-Semitic movement just started, Austrian Jewish capitalists and national leaders were all swept away in one stroke.

Without their leaders, the already fragmented Austrian Jews quickly fell into a state of division.

Following the outbreak of the anti-Semitic movement in Russia, a large number of Russian Jews fled to Bukovina under the cover of Divine Shield, quietly gaining control over the speech within the Jewish community.

However, the proposal from the middle-aged man did not represent all Jews. The young Osytho spoke up, "Mr. Gleyer, things are not as severe as you paint them. The anti-Semitic movement in Austria has been quelled by the government.

While there were some unpleasant incidents, our lives overall have remained peaceful, and we haven’t been significantly impacted.

The original evacuation plan is now unnecessary. What we should do is quickly adjust and embrace the new life, instead of having meaningless meetings here.

As for rescuing the arrested fellows, I think getting them a good lawyer would be more reliable than any rescue plan."

Not all Jewish elites were willing to stand with the captured capitalists. Many saw the Austrian Government’s actions as lawful arrests; thus, they believed the issue should be resolved within the bounds of law.

The community knows their own affairs well, and everyone has a pretty good idea about who the arrested Jewish individuals really are.

Besides, it wasn’t only Jewish capitalists who ended up in prison; capitalists from other ethnic groups were arrested in similar numbers—just that the Jews were more numerous.

There’s no avoiding the reality that there will always be some shortsighted people in the world. Having stepped out, Franz reluctantly had to accommodate them all.

The Vienna Government did not raise the banner of anti-Semitism, and its actions were not solely directed at Jews.

While many Jewish capitalists were conscripted, not all were imprisoned; a portion of the legitimate Jewish merchants escaped the dragnet.

For many, this was seen as the government launching a massive crackdown on criminal activity.

Coming forward to confront the Austrian Government about these criminal brethren doesn’t make sense, and it’s naturally met with opposition.

Gleyer, unsatisfied, said, "Osytho, don’t forget who funded your education. You’ve turned your back on us so soon!"

Osytho’s expression darkened, "I certainly haven’t forgotten, and for Mr. Leo, I will hire the best lawyer to defend him.

But I absolutely do not agree with a violent rescue, nor would I agree to initiate an armed uprising. That would lead all our brethren down a path of no return, bringing catastrophe upon us all.

Mr. Gleyer, I know that Mr. Leo and others must have deep connections within the Vienna Government. You should know how to contact them.

If you truly want to rescue them, then that’s where you should start! Whether it’s through bribery or threats, it’s far more promising than armed rebellion."

Hearing this insider perspective, the elder Mr. Feilude also advised, "Gleyer, Osytho makes sense. Force won’t solve the problem.

We Jews are simply too few in number. Even if we were to successfully rise up, it would be quickly suppressed.

In such a case, it wouldn’t just be one or two deaths; we could potentially wipe out all our brethren in Austria.

If you don’t want to repeat the tragedies that happened in Vienna in 1420, then follow Osytho’s suggestion!"

It was no joke; having barely escaped the Russian Empire to find refuge in Austria, if Gleyer were to provoke an armed insurrection and cause the Austrian Government to turn against the Jews, that would spell disaster.

As for the capitalists arrested by the Vienna Government, in Feilude’s view, that wasn’t really an issue.

From his life experience, he was certain that as long as the money was right, these people could be released at any time. He had no respect for impulsive actions like those of Gleyer.

Unable to gain the support of the masses, Gleyer knew that in the absence of the leaders, his prestige among the Jewish people wasn’t enough to incite a rebellion.

In helplessness, he explained, "My friends, it’s not that I want to take things to the extreme. The Austrians are bent on utter eradication; they don’t intend to leave Mr. Leo and the others a way out.

You may not realize this, but many high-ranking officials in the Vienna Government have publicly stated they want the courts to impose heavy punishments, with the highest-profile being a Deputy Minister of Finance.

Their stance essentially represents the position of the Vienna Government. Coupled with the adverse media influence, the courts will definitely be affected during the trials.

If things go as expected, including Mr. Leo, over three thousand of our brethren could be sentenced to death."

There’s no helping it; there’s just too much dark history.

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